Mehrdad Darvishpour

 

 Dep. of  Sociology

 Stockholm University

 

 S 10691 Stockholm. Sweden

 Phone: +46 (8)-163179

 Fax:+ 46 (8) 6205580

 E-mail: Mehrdad.Darvishpour@sociology.su.se

 

   ”Islamic feminism”: compromise or challenge to feminism?

 

Introduction

One of the most important questions, for the sociology of gender and feminist research on ”Third World woman” is the relationship between Islam and women situation in the Islamic countries. This question be more actual specially after 20 years of experience of the Islamic revolution In Iran. According to some feminist researchers (for example Espotio 1983, Nawol 1982) Islam could be defined as one of the worst sorts of patriarchal religion, that oppresses women and legitimizes gender inequality, because subordination of women are harsher in the Islamic countries. Against this view, some researchers (for example Said 1993, Mohanty 1988) explain that this picture is a result of western ethnocentric attitude. The question is if the women’s situation in Islamic countries as Iran can be analyzed by western feminism eyes. On the other side, the question is if any feminist view of Islam is possible. What is the relationship between Islam and patriarchy? What can the experience of the Islamic revolution in Iran after 20 years tell us about the relationship between a religious movement and women’s situation? I try in this paper to answer some of those questions and to discuss what could be problematic both with western feminism and with the Islamic feminism.

 

Islam and patriarchy

Generally, religions have a patriarchal view of the relationship between the genders. The relationship between Adam and Eve clarifies this relation. As Al Hibri writes:

 

"God was declared male, and man was declared to be created in His likeness. Eve became the symbol of temptation and sin. The woman was consequently judged as a less likely candidate for salvation and an everlasting life in heaven than man” (1981,p 176).

 

But some researcher point out that in comparison with other religions, in Islam, the idea of patriarchy is even greater. They mean that in Koran are many verses, especially Surah NR 4 which clearly legitimizes gender inequality. Even Hadis (example of Profits life) and Shariah (Islamic tradition) have the same tendency. Why? Rita Liljestrom, a Swedish professor of sociology (1984:10) explains that there is an elementary difference between Islam and Christianity on sexuality, which influences the view of women. She point out that the Christian Church attacks sexuality itself. Sexuality is reduced to something mean and bad, something for animals and humans to be divided into body and soul. Civilization represents the soul’s victory over the body, the spirit over the flesh and diligence over lust.  Islam took another way. It never repudiates sexuality but attacks women instead. As the living carrier of the danger of sexuality and its infinite social destructive forces, women have to be under control. Sexuality itself is not dangerous since it is the foretaste of paradise that leads men to Allah.

The different view on the nature of sexuality has resulted in separate strategies for control within the patriarchal society. Since Islam regards women as the active sexual power, it is important to restrict women from using sexual power over men. The result is isolating women and men in different worlds. The sexuality of women has to be concealed. Her looks and behavior must not reveal her sexual force since it will remind man of his weakness.  Fatemh Mernissi, a famous Arab feminist, long time ago explained that the Christian portrayal of the individual as tragically torn between two poles (good and evil, flesh and spirit, instinct and reason) is very different from that of Muslims which has a more sophisticated theory of the instincts, more akin to the Freudian concept of the libido. She writes:

 

”In western culture, sexual inequality is based on the belief in the biological inferiority of woman. In Islam, it is the contrary: the whole system is based on the assumption that woman is a powerful and dangerous being. All sexual institutions (polygamy, repudiation, sexual segregation, etc.) can be perceived as a strategy for constraining her power”. (Fatima Mernissi 1975, P 16).

 

This explains why the Koran maintains man’s superiority and domination over woman. It is the man’s responsibility and duty to keep women under their protection and control.

In this case, the question is whether every Muslim’s attitude towards gender equality could be defined as harsher patriarchy, or if there is not necessarily any contradiction between belief in Islam and gender equality. Some other researchers, included Muslims feminist means that this picture is based on the dominated view of Islam, which is not necessary as original Islam. They mean that this is western imagination, of Islam’s attribute about women, which is problematic.

 

Western feminism view of Women in the Islamic country

The image of women in the "Third World" generally, and Muslim women in particular, is very schematic and portrayed with prejudice. Parallel to the development of racism and ethnocentrism in the West, attitudes against Muslims have become harsher especially in recent years. The Muslim woman has been portrayed as submissive, oppressed, and backward. The mass media and the educational system have played a major role in the construction of this representation. One good example is the popular book and movie Not without my daughter which profoundly established this image by over-emphasizing the significance of veiling like a China -wall which separates Muslims from non-Muslims. The created image ignores the connection between the oppression of women in the West and East. The fundamental idea in the book is the Western view of the Muslim world. It is this discourse which Edward Said calls ”Orientalism”. In Orientalism, the Orient is created. The Orient is thus a linguistic, discursive creation, rather than a place to which one can travel or in which one can live. The Orient of Orientalism serves a dual function. It affirms the concept of the superiority of the West, and defines the West’s normalcy by relegating the abnormal, forbidden, and dangerous to the Orient. Yet, it is just this abnormal, forbidden, and dangerous nature, which strongly attracts Europeans living under the pressures of normalcy.

Chandra Mohanty (1988:81) makes a similar argument when she writes: The universal image of the ”Third World woman” is constructed by adding the Third world’s difference to the sexual difference which is predicted by the assumption of the western woman as secular, liberated, and in control of her own life. However, this does not suggest that all women in the West are in fact secular, liberated, and in control of their own lives. On the other side, are not all women in Islamic societies, necessarily Muslims. Also, it is not necessarily true that all Muslim women have the same idea about Islam. Their ideas are connected with their class status, cultural background, education, and position in society. Mohanty points out that many feminists write about Muslim women being powerless and oppressed, about their needs and problems. But there are few feminists who write about their choices, freedom, or power of action. Western feminists merely use images of Third World women as objects in defining themselves who are the real object of their studies. She means that in feminist theory Asian women, particularly Muslim women, are depicted as powerless individuals who needs to the guided by Western feminism in order to become politically mature. The reality shared by these groups, victims and oppressors, are mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive; thus it becomes impossible to analyze their historical differences. It is unrealistic to lump all women or all Muslims together as a homogenous group ignoring the historical differences between them. In this case question is whether if Islamic feminism could be an alternative view of feminism, which can help to facilitate women emancipation in the Islamic counties?

 

Islamic feminism compromise or challenge to feminism?

Muslims feminism is not in reality a new movement. In the beginning of the 19-century a few great Islamic thinker (as Sejed Jamaledine Asadabadi, Mohammad Abode, Rashid Reza, and especially Gasem Amin and later ”the Sister’s movement”) tried to give a modern, liberal, reformist and feminist review of Islam. Theirs ideas never dominated in any Islamic country. Specially under 80 and 90 century developed, again many same ideas for adapt Islam to feminism. However in this time even some of very famous secular feminist in Islamic country (as Fateme Mernisi, All Hibri, Hale afhsar, etc.) how earlier criticized very hard Islam, changed own mind and tried to give a feminist rewire of Islam. Because is not easy categories all of the Muslim feminism in the same group.

Jan Hjärpe (1995), a Swedish Professor in theology separates Islamic feminism from Muslim feminism. He points out four feminists trend in the Islamic country:

1 Atheist feminist who tries to show that religion has an antifeminist view. They mean that women’s movement cloud be developed only when they relay challenge the influence of religion in society.

2 secular feminists who have neutral view about religion. They mean that relationship between Islam and feminism is depend on first of all to which view of Islam is dominant in the society. They mean also that under a theocratic government or religious movement is woman’s emancipation impossible. But they do not think that feminist movements have to necessarily attack all of religious beliefs.

3-Muslims feminism, which has a liberal view of Islam try to, adapts to modern time. Muslims feminism argues that for a long time our imagination about Islam was dominated by a patriarchal vision of Islam. But that is not necessarily original Islam. They argue that vi can just trust to Koran verses because a lot of what heard about hadish (examples of profit world and sharia (Islam’s tradition) is a patriarchal review of Islam.

However, we know that even a lot of Koran’s verses legitimize gender inequality. Muslims feminism means that Koran has two sorts of verses. One was more practically for Muslims everyday life in the primitive Arabic society, which have to change always and is actual. Others verses are more morality and normative verses, which is not dependent on time. But even in the normative verses in Koran (especially in the women’s Surah) you can find some patriarchal verses. Muslims feminism answer is that if you believe that Good is just and Koran is Goods World is not reasonable that to accept any verses could legitimizes gender inequality. They argue that Koran point out a lot of powerful women’s figures how they had very important roll in the Islam and in the proofed life which a lot of proofed successor didn’t like that. Muslims feminism point out that a liberal and feminism review of Koran could help to develop of secularism and women’s emancipation in the Islamic country which they have different situation and background in compare with situation of women in the west countries.

4 Islamic feminism, which is clearly state feminism or a part of fundamentalism and religious movement, which argue that identification by religious movement help to Muslim women’s emancipation. For example Ramazani, a Iranian researcher (1993), point out that women gathering, in religious mourning, their presence in Friday prayers, participation in revolution and war, demonstrate the women’s participation in public life which will eventually lead to emancipation. This is trout that after the Islamic revaluation in Iran women have been more active in the political and social life. However, this is often the outcome of officially sanctioned activities: religious activities and campaigns in support of the regime. In fact, religious fundamentalism is gathering strength and women stand to lose the most after revolution in the Iran. 

As an ideology, policy, and social movement a major feature of the feminist movement was secularism. It is not surprising that many feminists found Islam to be a major opponent for the feminist movement. For example Mojab, an Iranian feminist (1995), which more belong to the first type of feminist groups, argues that Islam is a challenge for feminism. She means that from an initial total rejection of Islam, feminism has moved towards a more sophisticated readjustment. Five factors of this development in feminism which can be outlined: first, a sizable modern middle-class of women has been formed in the urban centers. The women are in professional occupations such as engineering, teaching, medicine, politics, business, etc. Second, women are elected as members of the parliament in few- Islamic countries. Third, the increasing participation of women in the expanding capitalist economy contributed to further awareness of the inequalities between genders, both at work and at home. Fourth, knowledge about feminism and struggles in other countries is transmitted widely. Fifth, in many Islamic countries, women’s organizations are active independent of state. Under these conditions, Muslim leaders and ideologists must meet the challenge of the feminist movement. Mojab means that Islamic feminism is not a serious challenge against patriarchy and it is still far from independence, secularism, and democracy. The Islamic feminist movement, is more still, a compromise with patriarchy than, a realistic movement for emancipation of women.

A problem with Majab´s argument is that she never argues if any theoretically feminist review of Islam is possible or not? Another problem is that both Islamic feminist and atheist feminist have just an ideological review on religion. One could argue that without believe in religion, women’s emancipation is impossible, and the other argues that it is only possible when you do not believe on religion. With these views, any dialogue for women solidarity and equality between these groups is possible. While Muslims feminists and secular feminists can have a concert dialogue about questions on gender equality. I believe that it can be claimed that the liberal and milder interpretation of Islam, which tries to distance itself from Islam’s misogynist rules, can improve the status of women in Islamic countries to a certain degree. But it is difficult to accept that a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam or Islamic movement can be combined with feminism. As with all theocracies, Islamic movement suppresses individualism for the sake of the group. The Islamic fundamentalists’ struggle against the rights of women is also an expression of the rejection of individualism. Experience of the 20 years after the Islamic revolution in Iran clearly shows the antifeminist and antidemocratic tendency of the fundamentalist and religious movement which Islamic feminism is dependent on that.

 

 

The situation of Iranian women 20 years after the Islamic revolution

Generally, the female situation in Iran has become much worse, in term of rights and resources, after the revolution in 1979. It is a result of the recessive policy of the Islamic regime. Collision, veiling, segregation of gender and even (sometimes) women stoning, and were direct results of Islamic government policy, which continues yet, after 20 years. In particular, Iranian women suffer from the return to traditional laws of marriage and from reduced opportunities to obtain an education or a job.

 

Family Legislation

After the Revolution, the law of family protection[1] was reprieved and declared incompatible with the canon of Islamic laws. Consequently, the right to polygamous marriage was once again restored. The limit age for women marriage fell from 18 year to 13 year. The legal rights of women in application for divorce and custody of children were severely curtailed (Darvishpour 1993). Even that under recent years, some part of the cadet laws has reformed and returned to the law of family protection, but nothing has radically changed in the law. For example, Article 1043 of the civil law makes it clear that the marriage of girl is dependent upon the consent of her father or grandfather. Articles 1117 and 54 declare that, married women, can only accept jobs that is not against, hers responsible, as wife. If so, she needs, permission, from her husband. Article 1133, states that, man can divorce, at any time he wishes, while women can divorce, only for ”exceptional reasons”.

 

Women and employment

During the Islamic Republic, the proportion of employed women has drastically declined. Within a decade, it fell from twelve percent in 1976 to six percent in 1986, resulting in hundreds of thousands unemployed women (Darvishpour, 1993). In 1990, Iranian women were the least economically active among 100 countries surveyed by U. N 1990 except for Nigeria and Guinea. While the Islamic republic of Iran introduced measures to demobilize the more secularized Iranian women, it encouraged the participation of thousands of religious women in the military, social, and political arenas. The "new" active women were mainly from the traditional middle-class who fought for the Islamic republic in the revolution. Even that under recent years the proportion of employed women has increased from 6 percent in 1986 to 9 percent in1996, but it is still less than during before the revolution in the 1976.

 

Women and education

Decades after the revolution, more than 100 courses, among 431 different courses at the universities, were prohibited for women. The government meant that, according to “sharia” (Islamic rules and tradition), those courses were, appropriate only for men. It is notable that, this politic did not changed, the proportion of female students, at the university level. When comparing, between 1977 and 1987, the proportion of women is almost unchanged, about 30 % of all students at the university are women. Even if some courses were closed for women, the number of female students remained because they attended other courses (Darvishpour 1993). Even in this area the situation changed partly under recent years, and some courses, which were closed for women before, opened again, which lead to that the proportion of female students, at the university level increased more.

 

Women’s Resistance

As we pointed out in the beginning Women’s situation can not be explained only as subordination. They have power to act too. Their resistance against education system is a clearly example. Another example of women’s resistance to wear “the Islamic veil”, even they know that could be punished. In1993, 113000 women were arrested in Iran within a short period of time because they did not wear the Islamic veil. The third example of women’s resistance is the new waves of the independent female magazines, books and great writers, journalist, film director that call people’s attention in society in spite of all hindrances. While the fundamentalist government, tried limited independent art, literature, film, magazine etc., a lot of women, be more active than under shah government, in those arena.

Finally yet importantly exempla is women’ participate in the president election and theirs vote to president Khatemi, how just formally points out women’s write. They use every opportunity. Today they had just possibility cross fundamentalist candidate in the president election, tomorrow maybe they can challenge the theocratic government. These show just some aspects of women’s active resistance. Despite the facts that a large group of Iranian intellectual, middle class and secularized women were executed, imprisoned or run away from Iran, it is seen clearly that women as an active group try to defend their rights.

 

Conclusion

The question is whether, the women’s movement in the Islamic societies as Iran has found its own way to challenge the establishment and to change the situation of women. Maybe not yet. We need more research an these questions. Perhaps it is not necessary for the feminist movement in Islamic countries to declare war on religion. However, the experience of the Islamic republic in Iran show that how a religious movement could be dangerous for women’s situation. Secularism is unavoidable as a prerequisite in their battle for liberation. Therefore, I insist that you should to encourage secular feminism!

 

References

Al Hibri, Azizab. 1981. Capitalism is an advanced Stage of Patriarchy. Quoted in L. Sargent.  Women and Revolution, London, 1981.

Darvishpour, Mehrdad.1993. En bild av kvinnornas situation i Iran. Sociologisk forskning n 3

Espotio, Jon 1982. Women in the Muslim family. New York

Härpe, Jan. 1995: Islamisk feminismk, Kvinnor och fundamentalism, nr 10, 1995

Liljeström, Rita. 1984. Skuggan av historiens mansvälde vilar tungt över sexualitet. Kärlek och kulturkonflikt, Sven-Axel Månsson. Sweden

Mernessi, Fatima. 1975. Beyond the Veil. New York John ,Wiley  and sons

Mohanty,  Chandra. 1988.  Under western Eyes.  Feminist Review  30

Mojab, Sharzad. 1994. Islamic Feminism: Alternative or Contradiction. Fireweed, winter, 1995, no. 47

Nawol, Yasmina. 1982. Kvinnor under Islam (svensk översättning), Stockholm

Ramazani,  Nesta. 1993. Women in Iran.  Middle east journal 43, no. 3 

Said E. 1993 Orientalism (svensk översättning),. Ordfront, Stockholm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Civil laws, predating the Islamic regime, restricted the discretionary power of men through the law of family protection.[2] Disputes concerning the undisputed rights of men in polygamous marriages, divorce, and custody of children were settled through court rulings. For example, a dispute arising from the custody of children was given to the court. The right to divorce was made conditional on the court ruling, and women obtained much more favorable terms and conditions for divorce. Having a second wife was made conditional on the consent of the first wife. Besides the inequality of treatment in civil rights, concerning adjudication, testimony, inheritance, employment, and education, the new civil laws extend inequality to the realm of marriage. They ensured women the right, to divorce and restricted polygamy.